Harry Browne for President! II

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Harry Browne for President! II

Dear Readers,
You may know that I've endorsed Harry Browne for President. I made that endorsement AFTER reading Bumper Hornberger's attacks on Browne. I concluded that Hornberger's writings are slanderous, mean-spirited, and unethical. I am making special efforts to help the Browne campaign specifically because I believe Browne has been the victim of injustice at the hands of Hornberger. It makes me very angry that Hornberger has been able to damage Browne's campaign, and, by extension, damage the freedom movement in America. In a direct response to Hornberger's vicious attacks, I am making a special contribution to Browne's campaign, even though I can't really afford it. I would encourage you, the reader, to do the same.

Browne wants to repeal the income tax and replace it with nothing. He wants to end Social(ized) (In)Security and pay off current benefits by selling federal lands. He wants to repeal all federal firearms laws and restore the civil right to keep and bear arms. Harry Browne is a champion of liberty. What's more, he has a viable national organization ready to take Browne's message to the streets.

For more information, see my endorsement of Browne at http://www.freecolorado.com/2000/04/browneforpresident.html. Also see Browne's previous answer to Hornberger's attacks at http://www.freecolorado.com/2000/03/browne.html. Finally, read Hornberger's attacks at http://www.jacobghornberger.com/. Below is the latest reply from the Browne campaign.

Send your contributions to
Harry Browne for President Committee
3509 Connecticut Avenue NW/Suite 2000
Washington, DC 20008-2470
Phone 202-521-1200

Ari Armstrong
April 25, 2000

L i b e r t y W i r e


A personal message from Perry Willis
Campaign Manager, Browne for President

I regret to inform you that as of Friday, April
21, the Harry Browne for President campaign has
suspended most of its operations. We are cutting
expenses in the hope that we can catch up on our
bills, but if the present is any guide to the
future, it is possible the campaign is over.

Our fund-raising has been declining since Jacob
Hornberger began his latest series of attacks
against Harry Browne and the LP leadership. We
have been falling further and further behind on
our bills, and it has reached the point where we
cannot continue.

Any national campaign must live from fund-raising
letter to fund-raising letter. It must keep using
every dollar available to push its public

Unlike a business, we can't legally borrow money.
In addition, we have no assets other than our
office equipment and our contributor list -- and
we have only about 8,000 contributors. Moreover,
to mail a fund-raising appeal to the LP
membership, we must pay for the list in advance
and schedule our mailing so it won't conflict with
the LP's own fund-raising efforts. Despite the
fact that Mr. Browne has raised tens of thousands
of dollars to help recruit new LP members, he has
no more access to these names than any other
Libertarian; in fact, unlike outside
organizations, he has to pay in advance for the

In short, our campaign's only assets are our
reputation and the good will of our supporters.

Unfortunately, our reputation within the LP has
been damaged to the point where the good will of a
significant segment of the rank and file now seems
lacking, causing our latest fund-raising effort to
fall short and put us in a very deep hole.
Specifically, our motivations for wanting to
challenge the FEC laws have been called into
doubt, causing the direct-mail appeal based on
that challenge to fail.

Obviously, not everyone could have been expected
to agree with the FEC strategy we were
considering. But instead of simply offering
arguments against the value of the strategy, Mr.
Hornberger and his allies have seized on the
possibility that we have considered challenging
the FEC laws only to hide financial improprieties.
And many people either have believed Mr.
Hornberger's assertions or have had sufficient
doubts about us to stop contributing to our

Needless to say, the FEC challenge is no longer a
possibility, and we will file our FEC reports next
week. Mr. Hornberger and his associates have
forced us to bow to the will of the state.
Ironically, filing reports with the government may
turn out to be the final act of this campaign.

In addition to his email attacks and his prodding
the FEC about our potential challenge, Mr.
Hornberger has mailed hit pieces to several of our
major donors. The name and address of at least one
of these donors could have been known to Mr.
Hornberger only through one source -- our 1996 FEC
reports. No wonder Mr. Hornberger is so adamant
that we disclose contributor information to the
government. But I don't see how this helps the
Libertarian Party or the libertarian movement.

The FEC Challenge

We believed that the FEC challenge had the
potential to achieve two valuable goals.

1. It had the ability to generate publicity about
the campaign that was related to our issues,
whereas some other media event might have
detracted from our basic message. Although we
haven't been trying to publicize the challenge,
preferring to wait until we were sure we were
going to proceed with it, the word has gotten
around. Several journalists have indicated that
they wanted to write about it if we went ahead.
And Harry has been asked about it on several radio
shows. His reply to the question "Why would you do
this?" takes him easily to our issues:

"Because it's the only way we have of letting
people know there's a party -- the Libertarians --
who want to free you from the income tax, unlock
the door and let you out of Social Security, and
end the insane War on Drugs. The campaign
contribution limits keep us from raising the kind
of money necessary to get that message to you and
the American people."

2. If we could win the case (which would probably
take at least a couple of years), it would open up
enormous possibilities for the LP. We would be
able to attract larger sums of money for
advertising that could take our message to the
American people. Because our message is positive
and the messages of the old parties negative, it
doesn't matter how much additional money they get
to raise and spend; the important issue is how
much more _we_ can raise and spend to let people
know there's an alternative. And the very fact
that we would become free from the current limits
would encourage many people to support us --
people who now don't think we can ever change

Based on the reaction to our March 12 email
message about the FEC challenge, it appeared that
a large percentage of Libertarians would
enthusiastically support the challenge. But Mr.
Hornberger's attacks changed all that, and perhaps
scuttled the entire campaign as well. (Note: we
have paid $15,000 of the $25,000 required for the
legal research. We intend to complete the research
and publish a summary of the results, in the hope
that some future campaign will be able to use the

As I said, we will file the FEC reports next week.
But, as we have promised, we are providing in this
message a more detailed accounting of how we have
spent your money.

Perhaps more important, this message will tell you
what the money has achieved.

This message also will provide an introductory
course in the trials and travails of running a
national third-party campaign, as well as discuss
the plans we had for the future. You can think of
this as our campaign report, in case it turns out
that we won't be writing one later.

In addition, all payments to vendors and employees
are listed at the end of this report. You can see
how much every payee has received. There also is a
list of our current debts.

Please forgive the length of this report. But
after due consideration, I believe it would be
incomplete if we omitted any part of it.

Running a National Campaign

If you are running for a local office, such as for
city council or state representative, you can do
so without a lot of money, if necessary. You can
speak at various clubs and go door to door --
personally meeting a significant number, possibly
even a majority, of the potential voters. This is
known as retail politics, and it is very
appropriate for a local campaign.

Running a statewide or national campaign is quite
different, however. Meeting voters personally may
seem like a good idea, but you can't hope to
attract more than a few thousand votes -- at the
very most -- that way. Even giving speeches
carries your message to an insignificant number of
voters, unless the press and TV cameras are paying
attention to your speeches. When you see a
Republican or Democratic presidential candidate on
TV giving a speech, shaking hands outside a
factory, or flipping pancakes in a coffee shop,
remember that he's doing it only because you and
hundreds of thousands of others are watching him
on TV. If the cameras weren't rolling, he wouldn't
be there.

A national campaign based on meeting voters in
person and speaking engagements alone is doomed to
achieve no more than a few hundred thousand votes.
To seek millions of votes requires wholesale
politics. That means widespread advertising,
especially television advertising, as well as
personal appearances on radio and TV, where you
can be heard by tens of thousands of potential
voters at a time. A national campaign also
requires leveraged contacts -- such as gaining the
support of various groups who will transmit your
message to many people, recruiting thousands of
volunteers to help publicize your candidacy,
enlisting Internet sites, and using any other
transmission belts you can locate.

Running a political campaign also is considerably
different from running a business. In many cases,
a business can evolve over however long it takes
to succeed. A campaign has a finite ending point
and everything you're going to do has to be
achieved by that date. A business can wait for the
right moment to spring its marketing projects. But
a campaign must be continually active. When it
isn't persuading voters, it must be recruiting
supporters to help you persuade voters. It must
continually raise money to pay its bills, and it
must continually spend the money it raises --
trying to take advantage of every opportunity
there is.

A campaign that isn't financially stretched to the
limit at all times isn't aggressive enough to
reach whatever goals it has set. In this report,
I'll explain what this means in our case.

Income & Outgo

The Harry Browne for President Committee was
formed in December of 1996. It has been in
operation for a little over 3 years and 3 months.
Through February 29, we raised and spent

The campaign has spent 57% of its income on
campaign outreach, 17% on overhead, and 26% on
fund-raising. It is typical for fund-raising to
cost a campaign about 34%, so we have done very
well in this area. In addition, campaigns tend to
raise most of their money in the final four
months, so it's reasonable to expect that the
overhead and fund-raising percentages would drop
and the outreach percentage would rise.

Also, it's important to realize that overhead is
the first expense incurred. As the campaign
becomes more successful, overhead has to rise as
well. But it doesn't rise nearly as fast as
fund-raising increases. So the more money raised,
the higher percentage of it goes into outreach.
And with a much larger Libertarian donor base, we
expected to spend many times as much on
advertising this year as we did in 1996.

Breakdown of Spending

What follows now are the details of where your
money has gone. Although some of it is just
numbers, there is a great deal of information here
about what we have done, why we have done it, and
what it has achieved.

All the figures cover expenditures since the start
of 1997.


Our largest single expenditure has been
$197,251.84 for advertising, including the
production costs for the video, one national
airing, and 16 local airings in Atlanta, Denver,
St. Petersburg, and Jacksonville.

We have tried to book national broadcasts, but all
the national networks have turned us down. We knew
that most infomercial time is purchased months in
advance, making it difficult to buy time. And we
expected the networks to refuse to sell us time
despite FCC regulations that require them to do
so. It's understandable that no network wants to
give up a half hour of high-revenue programming in
order to run a low-revenue political ad, so the
networks find ways of getting around the
regulations. (Of course, despite our urgings, we
recognize their right to turn us down.)

The networks argued that the FCC regulations
governing political ads don't apply to us because
we don't nominate our candidates through primary
elections (and thus don't need the advertising).
We countered that our state conventions are the
political equivalent of primaries and the FCC
agreed with us. But the networks claimed our state
conventions don't grant delegate status to any
registered Libertarian voter who wishes to attend
the convention.

Although we were at an impasse, we knew this
problem would go away after the nomination. Once
we have the nomination, the networks have to sell
us the time. In addition, all our $1,000 donors
would be able to contribute another $1,000 each,
giving us a significant and low-cost pile of money
with which to run the video nationally. And the LP
would be free to spend money to run the video
without any legal limits under the
coordinated-expenditure provisions of the FEC law.

But we couldn't expect to broadcast the video
nationally until August, because a month of lead
time, with the money in the bank, would be needed
to reserve the air time. We didn't want to wait
that long to do national TV advertising, so we
decided to produce a series of short ads that
could be run nationally in June and July. We
scheduled production of these ads for late May.

If we can resurrect the campaign, we will produce
the ads and run them from June through Election

Direct Mail

The second largest campaign expenditure was
$192,340.90 for direct mail. This money covered
more than a half-million pieces of mail over the
past three years. These mailings generated most of
the money we've raised.

Fact of life: If you don't ask for money, you
won't receive any.

Hard reality: Asking for money costs money.

It would be nice if people would see Harry on TV,
hear him on the radio, watch the video, or read a
piece of campaign literature, and then send money
without any prodding. But they don't. We have to
ask for it.

Worse still, to get 1,000 people to give money, we
have to ask 40,000 people. It's a grueling process
that must be repeated month after month in order
to find enough donors to run a national campaign.

Is there a better way to raise money than direct
mail? Sadly, no. Fund-raising events cost much
more per dollar raised than direct mail (more on
this below), and telephone fund-raising is even
more expensive -- as well as being intrusive.

Fund-raising calls from the candidate are more
welcome, and Harry makes such calls. But he
doesn't have a great deal time to make them. If
you've read his Campaign Journal, you know we keep
him very busy doing outreach.

For Harry to make enough calls to replace
direct-mail fund-raising, he'd need to spend
roughly 130 hours a week on the phone, leaving
only 38 hours for sleeping and eating. So it's
direct mail or nothing.

A campaign has to start virtually from scratch. We
were fortunate to have 5,000 donors from 1996 as a
first group to approach, but that's not a big head
start. While doing outreach, we have had to spend
money on start-up costs -- hiring people, buying
equipment, producing literature, arranging the
many invisible details necessary just to be
efficient. No business does all of these things on
the day it opens its doors; they must be done many
months prior, and so it was in our case.

In addition, just asking Libertarians for help
requires paying about $5,000 in rental fees
everytime we use the LP mailing list.

In other words, running a presidential campaign is
the quintessential bootstrapping operation.

But it's more demanding still. We can't know in
advance how people will respond to our appeals. So
every direct-mail letter we mail is a leap of
faith -- a leap that could land us in clover or
send us down the abyss.

A simple fact is that most people won't contribute
for projects with staid, low-key goals. They
respond mainly to spectacular, exciting projects.
That means we are constantly forced to develop
proposals that will stretch our campaign to the
limits of what we can actually do, and sometimes

For instance, it's relatively easy to assemble
teams of volunteers to distribute literature door
to door, but that isn't very spectacular -- and
even if people want to see it done, few of them
would donate much money to finance the literature,
pay for the staff to teach and coordinate the
volunteers, and cover other expenses relating to
the project.

Libertarians also demand that the campaign answer
its email, return phone calls promptly, keep
records, and book interviews, but few people are
inspired to contribute for those expenses.

So you have to come up with projects that are both
valuable and spectacular -- projects that can
attract enough donations not only to pay for
themselves, but also to pay for all the
non-spectacular things a campaign must do. That's
just the way it is.

But the problem doesn't end there. Not only do you
have to develop projects that will stretch your
capabilities, you also have to succeed with most
of those projects or contributor confidence will
be damaged and you'll go out of business. You can
afford an occasional failure, but not many. You
have to demonstrate constant progress and even
acceleration in order to keep the support flowing.

And if you run into problems executing an
important project, your entire fund-raising and
production cycle can be derailed and lead to still
more problems. This is what we faced in trying to
buy national broadcast time for the video. We
didn't want to ask for more funds until we had
achieved this goal, but we encountered obstacle
after obstacle from networks, and all the while
the clock was ticking. Money was going out the
door for overhead and other kinds of outreach,
while no new money was coming in to replace it.

We were faced with a real dilemma. We knew we'd
have no trouble buying time after the nomination,
but we had to be working now to build name
recognition for Harry and for the Libertarian
label; we couldn't wait until July to start
attracting attention. So we needed an alternative
advertising plan to bridge the gap. The solution
was to produce short TV ads that we could air
without limitations. But that would take time, and
we wanted to be sure we could pull it off before
proposing the idea to potential donors.

Meanwhile, time was running out for another
project we wanted to do -- the FEC challenge. We
covered the TV front by buying time for the
30-minute video city by city. In the meantime,
while we prepared to produce our short TV ads, we
could test the FEC idea in a LibertyWire message.
If we received a positive response, we could do a
direct-mail appeal for that project, and complete
the legal research and do the pre-production work
for the TV ads at the same time.

This would have allowed us to do a follow-up
appeal announcing a string of local broadcasts of
the video, the results of our legal research, and
our already in-progress TV ad production. My
experience told me this could be a grand slam.

And things got off to a good start. The initial
response to our FEC proposal was very
enthusiastic, as expected. Based on this, I
committed to a direct-mail appeal for the FEC
project. But the ink was barely dry on this
appeal, and it hadn't even been mailed, when Jacob
Hornberger struck -- making a long string of
unsubstantiated charges and accusing us of having
unscrupulous motives for the FEC challenge.

According to Hornberger, Harry and I were placing
ourselves at risk of federal prosecution and huge
fines in order to hide financial misconduct from
you. That doesn't make much sense, but if you
repeat a lie often (and he has been accusing us of
corruption for two years), enough people will
assume there must be at least a grain of truth
involved, and many will stop writing checks until
the dust settles.

At this point our healthy cash flow dried up, and
I was faced with having to scrap 50,000 letters at
great expense. This uncomfortable situation led
Harry to send a LibertyWire message in response to
Mr. Hornberger's attacks -- the only time we've
responded to any of the many attacks made against
us over the past few years. Given that a campaign
like ours must always be stretched to the limit of
its resources, we certainly didn't want to divert
time or money dispelling rumors and answering
unfounded allegations. And we didn't want to
contribute to any acrimony that would divide the
party. But we had to respond to the allegations.

Harry's message turned the tide and the cash began
to flow again. But Mr. Hornberger wasn't finished.
He continued to accuse us of hiding our finances
behind the FEC challenge, and he was joined in his
attacks by the small group of people in the LP who
constitute the Anybody-but-Browne faction. They
kept up a steady drumbeat of allegations and
rumors on various email lists and by word of
mouth. These rumors are like a virus spreading
through the LP and demoralizing it in this
presidential campaign year.

Jacob Hornberger's foundation has for many years
published excellent libertarian materials. And Mr.
Hornberger has the ability to bring a crowd of
Libertarians to their feet when he speaks. His
reputation allowed him to be taken seriously at
first, while someone else saying these things
might be treated as just a crank. However, he has
made the mistake of making too many allegations. A
lot of people have first-hand knowledge that some
of the allegations are untrue, leading them to
doubt Mr. Hornberger's charges in the areas about
which they have no personal knowledge.

In addition, the bad taste of doing this in the
middle of a presidential campaign caused an
enormous backlash. We have received copies of
dozens of unsolicited letters from people telling
Mr. Hornberger they will no longer support his
foundation and asking to be removed from his
mailing list. Faced with the loss of the
reputation he once enjoyed, his attacks have
become more frequent and more shrill in a
desperate attempt to be taken seriously.

We are very grateful for the enormous number of
comments we have received that pledge renewed
moral support for Harry's work. Unfortunately, we
haven't received comparable financial support.

We thought the FEC challenge would provide bridge
financing to allow us to execute our Plan B for
advertising. But the failure of the FEC appeal has
put the entire campaign in severe jeopardy. Many
staff members have gone without pay in order to
keep the campaign alive, and friendly vendors have
gone unpaid while we waited for the storm to pass.

But the storm isn't passing. On Friday morning,
April 21, when I reviewed the income for the
previous three days, it was obvious that our cash
flow had flat-lined. We were more than $80,000 in
debt, and didn't have even enough money to mail
out another appeal to try to get out of the hole.


Campaign tours have taken the third highest amount
of money -- $180,088.69. This money was used to
put Harry on the road (usually with Michael Cloud
and Pamela Browne).

The amount includes air travel, shuttles, taxies,
hotel accommodations, meeting rooms, audio-visual
equipment and list rentals for invitation
mailings, as well as associated printing,
stuffing, and postage costs.

It also includes salary for the campaign
scheduler, who must labor mightily to juggle
Harry's schedule, book his flights and hotel
rooms, and assure that we don't end up scheduling
him to do two things at the same time.

As a result of these expenditures, since 1997
Harry has spent 217 days on the road, visiting 30
states on behalf of the LP or the presidential
campaign. Since the official kick-off on February
14, he has spent 30 days on the road.

It is ironic that this should be our third highest
campaign expense. Critics have claimed over and
over that Harry just sits at home doing radio
interviews -- even though anyone can read his
Campaign Journal and discover how much time he
spends on the road.

However, I believe this is the one area where we
may have misspent money. We tried to make these
tours a paying proposition as part of our efforts
to build a large war chest with which to start the
campaign. We hoped to generate an average audience
of 100 people per event, which should have netted
enough money from the tours to fill the campaign
war chest.

But no matter how many the invitations or
follow-up phone calls, we just couldn't seem to
get the average above 50 people. This meant the
money we raised from these events was way too
expensive. We don't want to spend our
contributor's money simply to raise more money, so
we terminated these events for the time being. We
assumed that this summer, with the combination of
the video on the air in a target city and our
now-extensive volunteer organization personally
inviting people, we could boost turnouts
significantly. Now we may not get a chance to find


The next highest expenditure area is
administration at $103,591.04. This category
covers my salary and expense reimbursements over
the past two years, as well as that for my
predecessor, Jack Dean, in 1997. Staff
health-insurance costs also are included here.

Am I worth what I'm paid? You'll have to decide
for yourself. But I will tell you that I . . .

* Work 7 days a week

* Field an average of 200 email messages a day and
a score of phone calls

* Work with Harry on our fund-raising letters

* Produce most of the campaign literature

* Manage a staff of 11 people plus numerous

* Juggle cash flow and keep creditors at bay

* Make a huge number of critical judgments on very
short notice

* Use my credit cards to get the campaign from
here to there (which has destroyed my credit in
the process)

* Forgo my pay and expense reimbursements for
weeks at a time when cash is short

That's the way campaigns are. And that's what
campaign managers do. So don't cry for me; I knew
what I was getting into. I mention the drawbacks
only to assure you that running a presidential
campaign isn't some kind of get-rich-quick scheme.

Media Relations

The next highest spending category is media
relations at $85,495.29. This covers two staff
members and the cost of a P.R. firm. While all the
spending categories are necessary to the campaign,
this one and advertising are the two that produce
the most visible results.

Just since February 14 (the official announcement
day), Harry has had . . .

* 110 radio interviews, of which 34 were on
national networks or syndication, and another 61
were on stations in major metropolitan areas.

* 9 national TV appearances.

* 39 press interviews, of which 7 were with
national publications and 21 were with major
metropolitan dailies, resulting in over a hundred
articles published.

Our advertising agency has been calculating
audience sizes (based on Arbitron ratings) for all
these broadcast appearances, and calculating what
an equivalent amount of time would have cost us in
paid advertising. We were going to post this
information on our web site. There's no question
that the value of all this media was many times
what we spent to acquire it. Harry's radio and TV
appearances alone have been seen and heard by
millions of people already.

We've already had him on major shows this year
that he wasn't able to get on during the entire
1996 campaign (such as an entire hour as the
single guest on C-SPAN's Washington Journal).

Data Processing

The next highest expenditure area is data
processing at $72,524.52. It takes a staff of
three people to sort our mail, maintain our
database, deposit our contributions, send out
thank you letters and premiums, and generate
lists. This amount, as with all the other numbers
cited in this report, covers three years of work.

Volunteer Program

The Volunteer Program is next at $68,453.12. This
covers three staff people and related expenses. So
far this program has recruited 4,358 people who
have volunteered 17,084 hours per month - the
equivalent of nearly 100 full-time employees. No
LP presidential campaign has ever had such an

The volunteers include . . .

3,710 people who have agreed to write letters to
the media
3,202 people who have agreed to make calls to
survey potential voters
3,220 people who have agreed to distribute
literature door-to-door
3,250 people who have agreed to run Harry Browne
booths at flea markets
3,201 people who have agreed to speak on Harry's
3,734 people who have agreed to tell their friends
about us via email
3,376 people who have agreed to tell their friends
about us via snail mail
3,418 people who have agreed to campaign among
members of their profession
3,351 business owners who have agreed to display
our literature

I don't know whether you're impressed by these
numbers, but I am. They are four times what I had
expected them to be when we decided to set up a
professionally organized volunteer program. And,
unfortunately, this success has led to some

Because I had expected we would have only about
1,000 volunteers, I committed us to providing some
free assistance to our volunteers in the form of
auto stickers, yard signs, and a small amount of
literature. Providing the same materials to 4,358
people was another matter. Doing so would have
depleted our inventory of almost everything and
would have cost four times what I had budgeted. We
have been struggling to solve this problem since
the campaign began officially, two months ago.

Trying to solve the problems of unexpected success
can be as difficult as dealing with failures.

Many people like to talk about grassroots efforts,
but we have actually succeeded in organizing a
real grassroots campaign.

Campaign Materials

Our next highest expenditure area has been
campaign materials at $60,688.90.

So far the campaign has distributed 13,657
videocassettes, 11,179 copies of our 32-page
tabloid publication, 247 yard signs, 126 rally
signs, 9,386 auto stickers, and 6,844 campaign

We have also sent out 3,443 info packs. Each one
includes a videocassette, the tabloid publication,
an auto sticker, campaign button, cover letter,
contribution form, and volunteer form.

Internet Campaigning

Our next highest expenditure area is Internet
campaigning at $51,242.46. This figure covers all
the web hosting, programming, maintenance, update
costs, and audio and video encoding costs for the
past three years.

Recent results from this area are as follows . . .

MONTH . . . . . . . . . . JAN FEB MARCH
- Home Page 23,270 54,517 49,760
- Entire Site 503,223 754,482 597,630
Page Views 101,652 272,201 243,604
User Sessions 41,445 99,231 165,912
Averages Per Day
- Hits 16,233 26,016 19,278
- Page Views 3,279 9,388 7,858
- User Sessions 1,336 3,421 5,352
- User Session Length 06:31 09:25 09:34
- Unique 15,077 47,067 92,153
- Visited Once 12,571 40,168 80,525
- Visited More Than Once 2,506 6,899 11,628

Note that the number of unique users tripled in
February (when the campaign officially began) and
doubled again in March. The website also has
brought in more than $60,000 in contributions,
showing a net profit in addition to inducing
people to vote for us and help us. In fact, we
have been expecting the website to show larger and
larger profits for the rest of the campaign.

Other spending areas

We also have spent (again, over a three year

* Accounting services: $39,111.25.

* Rent: $37,495.29. (this includes three months
rent and a large deposit that was required of us
because we are a political campaign)

Stephanie Yanik and I work out of our townhouse.
The campaign doesn't reimburse us for our office
space. The rest of the staff works in a nearby
townhouse. Two staffers also live there, pay rent
to the campaign, and put up with people tramping
through their home day and night.

* Graphic design: $25,382.54 (this includes all of
our campaign material including a 32 page tabloid,
graphics for the video, and layout for all of our
fundraising letter).

* Phones: $21,599.06.

* Legal compliance: $19,111.25 (including costs
related to our custom-designed FEC reporting
software and our FEC compliance expert).

* Bank services: $18,651.01 (mostly credit-card
processing fees).

* Refunds of donations that were over the legal
limit: $12,380.52.

* Relocation of employees to Washington area:

Staff Budget

The campaign employs 13 people at a cost of
$34,309.34 a month, including health-insurance
benefits. This is an average salary of $2,639.18
per month. (Could you live on that?)

With average work-weeks of 60 hours, the hourly
rate for the staff is about $9.77.

Clearly, no one is getting rich in this endeavor.

Our Debt

Our current debt is $83,343.64. This normally
wouldn't be disastrous. But we have no cash flow
to fund additional fund-raising and allow for
continued operations.

Of the total debt . . .

$36,551.00 is owed to the staff, with a good deal
of it owed to me.
$13,641.56 is owed to our direct-mail vendors.
$10,000 is owed to the lawyers doing our FEC
challenge research.
$7,634.79 is owed to our advertising agency.
$6,999.99 is owed to our PR firm.
$6,310.20 is owed to our Internet vendor.
$2,205.50 is owed to miscellaneous vendors.

What's next?

If we can come up with all or part of this money,
we can resume operations. If we raise the whole
amount, I won't pay off the entire debt
immediately. Some of what we receive will allow us
to resume outreach operations and fund-raising,
while waiting to pay off myself and a few of the

So if we can raise about $50,000 this week, we can
be back in business. In the meantime, we have
cancelled all media and campaign expenses, as well
as all other discretionary expenditures.

Where can the $50,000 come from? Part of it may
come over the phone. Harry will be spending his
days calling for contributions. But given the
legal contribution limits, he can't raise a
sizable amount very quickly.

The rest must come in response to this message,
because we don't now have the money to mail to the
LP list. Worse still, if we don't get the money to
do such a mailing in the next few days, we will
have to cancel the May date the LP has reserved
for us, and then our chances of resurrecting the
campaign will be almost nil.

We can't know how you have reacted to the rumors
you may have heard about our campaign, or how they
will affect your desire to continue supporting us.
But we do know that the Browne campaign is the
only hope the party has for a visible presidential
campaign. No other candidate has the
infrastructure and organization in place to run an
effective national campaign, and it is too late to
begin setting up a new one now. We started
planning three years ago, we began assembling our
team nine months ago, and we are still putting
certain components of the campaign in place.

Let's be forthright about this: it's the Harry
Browne campaign or nothing. No other candidate has
the experience on the national stage, the respect
of so many talk-show hosts and journalists, the
sizable organization in place to make the
Libertarian Party visible nationally, or the
ability and stature to persuade large numbers of
people to vote for us or join the party.

Don Gorman and Barry Hess are fine men who are
running credible campaigns, but they simply aren't
in a position to run the kind of campaign Harry
can. Neither of them is doing much now to reach
out to the public. Necessarily, each of them has
to stay focused almost exclusively on campaigning
for the nomination. By contrast, Harry has spent
roughly 90% of his time campaigning to the public,
and only 10% campaigning for the nomination. He is
in a position to let his outreach activities serve
as his audition for the nomination.

Could someone else have run a better campaign than
we have up to this point? Possibly, but no one
has, no one is, and no one is offering to. Many
people know for certain what we should be doing
and what we should have done, but they aren't
doing it themselves.

If Harry Browne isn't the candidate this year, I
don't see how the party can garner more than a few
hundred thousand votes -- let alone break out over
the one million level. There's no guarantee that
we can do it either, but we at least have a shot
at it.

And now the Harry Browne for President campaign is
in your hands. Everything you and I have invested
in, worked for, and hoped for. Do we let it die?
Or do we rise from this setback?

If you want Harry Browne to be the Libertarian
spokesman this year, if you want us to continue
the campaign, please act now and make the maximum
donation possible to get the campaign up to full
speed. It will be especially valuable if you put
the donation on your credit card so that it is
available to us almost immediately. You can do
that on a secure page on our website at:


We truly appreciate all you've done to help us so
far. Let's hope the effort can still pay off.


Perry Willis
Campaign Manager
Harry Browne for President

Appendix: Vendor and staff payments

Only one set of payments needs any explanation.
Prior to the official start of the campaign and
our leasing of office space, all staff services
were subcontracted through my company, Optopia
Productions. This was done, in part, to make it
easier for us to get health insurance. When staff
members began to work in office space paid
directly by the campaign, their employment was
transferred to the campaign. Since then, very few
payments have been made to my company; even my
salary has been paid directly to me. This will be
reflected in our FEC reports.

In addition, it is important to remember that
these payments were made over a period of three
years. In order to save space, payments to any
given person or vendor are lumped together for the
period from December 97 through February 2000. The
check registers for March and April 2000 are then
appended at the end.

(Please excuse the way the data are formatted. But
it is impossible to provide the data in an email
format that will line up properly for all possible

Payments, Dec 96-Feb 2000 -- $ Amount -- Purpose

A&G Services -- 188.50 -- work at HQ
Abacus Insurance -- 2,717.00 -- advertising,
liability insurance
Academy Door & Control Corp -- 107.16 -- work at
Accent Press -- 900.69 -- direct mail
AccuMail, Inc -- 52,850.53 -- direct mail
Adam's Mark Hotel, Indianapolis -- 2,037.48 --
Adam's Mark St. Louis -- 579.51 -- Tours
Alexis Thompson & Associates -- 344.00 -- Tours
Alia Business Machines -- 70.00 -- Equipment
American Homes Realty, Inc -- 1,250.00 -- staff
Aspen Meadows, The -- 541.00 -- Tours
AT&T -- 450.49 -- Phones
Atlantis Casino Resort -- 498.00 -- Tours
Babka, Jim -- 25,020.21 -- Media
Bacon's Information Inc -- 610.00 -- Media
BDNet -- 522.50 -- Equipment
Bell Atlantic -- 12,440.30 -- Phones
Braun, Geoffrey -- 534.00 -- Internet campaigning
Browne, Harry -- 22,751.12 -- travel reimbursement
Brunner, Robert -- 2,750.00 -- Media
Budget Car Rental -- 715.64 -- Tours
Call Center Services -- 1,750.00 -- inquiry
answering service
CardService International -- 15,185.72 -- bank
Carlson Wagonlit Travel -- 1,528.80 -- Tours
Carney-McNichols, Inc -- 2,359.71 -- staff
Cellular One -- 2,569.91 -- Phones
Century 21 Accent Homes -- 2,450.00 -- staff
Circuit City -- 2,089.91 -- Equipment
Clarion Hotel, San Francisco -- 1,249.06 -- Tours
Cloud, Michael -- 32,947.05 -- travel
reimbursement and fund-raising
Columbus Marriott North -- 925.87 -- Tours
CompUSA -- 3,733.64 -- Equipment
Computer Renaissance -- 549.38 -- equipment
Copy Right Video -- 27,050.00 -- campaign
CorpAssist -- 120.00 -- administration
Courtyard by Marriott -- 640.68 -- tours
Covey, Erich P. -- 1,446.00 -- data processing
Crown Plaza Hotel, Westshore -- 858.97 -- tours
Crystal Springs Water Company -- 38.95 -- HQ
Davis, Shannon -- 17,349.47 -- data processing
Dayton Marriott -- 1,438.14 -- tours
DC Treasurer -- 50.00 -- tours
Dean, J Harris, Consulting -- 72,772.61 --
administration, graphics, reimbursements
DeVoil, Robert -- 28,556.69 -- data processing
DeVoil, Sr., Robert -- 25.00 -- expense
reimbursement, data processing
Diversified Mailing -- 5,519.54 -- direct mail
DoubleTree Hotel, Anaheim -- 1,401.70 -- tours
DoubleTree Hotel, Fresno -- 996.21 -- tours
DoubleTree Hotel, Salt Lake -- 440.43 -- tours
DoubleTree Hotel, San Diego -- 1,000.00 -- tours
DoubleTree Hotel, Sonoma -- 1,527.56 -- tours
Dulles Office Furniture -- 62.70 -- equipment
Embassy Suites, Charlotte -- 2,206.48 -- tours
Embassy Suites, RiverCenter -- 250.00 -- tours
Enterprize Movers, Inc -- 297.50 -- staff
Exxon -- 180.10 -- tours
Federal Express -- 3,317.10 -- shipping
Firm Multimedia, The -- 5,200.00 -- advertising
Foxchase Photos -- 276.93 -- media
Gateway -- 5,283.69 -- equipment
Greeson, Debra -- 19,375.75 -- tours
Hertz Rent-A-Car -- 1,013.73 -- tours
Hilton Akron at Quaker Square -- 859.58 -- tours
Hilton Arlington Towers -- 1,605.92 -- tours
Hilton Charleston North -- 872.24 -- tours
Hilton, Oakland Airport -- 1,702.20 -- tours
Home Depot -- 28.07 -- equipment
Hosterman, Greg -- 60.00 -- campaign materials
Hyatt Regency Lake Tahoe -- 882.50 -- tours
Infinity Realty International -- 30.00 -- staff
InnSuites Hotel -- 631.29 -- tours
JW Marriott Houston -- 697.69 -- tours
Kinko's -- 1,585.77 -- media, press kits
Kolb Electric -- 168.40 -- work at HQ
Lapel Pin, Inc -- 4,080.00 -- premiums
Laurel Graphx, Inc -- 1,125.00 -- graphic design
Leary, Saavik -- 41.20 -- ballot access
Liam Works -- 11,209.78 -- campaign materials
Libertarian National Committee -- 9,272.77 -- list
rental fees
Libertarian Party of California -- 540.50 -- tours
Libertarian Party of Dallas -- 10.00 -- tours
Libertarian Party of Florida -- 55.35 -- tours
Libertarian Party of Georgia -- 406.85 -- tours
Libertarian Party, Dallas County -- 50.00 -- tours
Linx Communications -- 630.51 -- phones
Livingston's Offset Printing -- 488.72 -- premiums
Lombardo, Thomas -- 19,686.02 -- HQ rent, landlord
Long Beach Marriott -- 1,741.72 -- tours
Long, Mike -- 50.00 -- media, writing
Mailboxes, Etc -- 627.08 -- mail box
Manor House, The -- 504.00 -- tours
Marriott Palm Beach Gardens -- 1,168.27 -- tours
Merkle Mailing Services -- 61,495.33 -- direct
Merry Maids -- 1,255.00 -- HQ
Micro Center -- 1,317.44 -- equipment
Moving Connection -- 1,853.89 -- staff relocation
Mt Vernon Printing -- 19,314.66 -- direct mail
Network Solutions, Inc -- 85.00 -- Internet
New Media -- 7,330.95 -- Internet campaigning
Newman Communications -- 8,600.00 -- media
Novus Network Services-Discover -- 175.92 -- bank
Nu-Tech Corp -- 125.00 -- equipment
Office Depot -- 661.45 -- office supplies
OfficeMax -- 410.79 -- office supplies
Optopia Productions -- 208,150.14 -- pay &
reimburse, Willis & Yanik, insurance
Palace Station Casino -- 637.50 -- tours
Parcel Plus--Watergate -- 858.22 -- mail box
PetsMart -- 43.88 -- gate to separate office area
from living quarters
Polaris Productions -- 134,000.00 -- advertising -
video production & duplication
PostNet -- 2,854.81 -- data processing
Power, Virginia -- 159.81 -- HQ
Radisson Hotel, Birmingham -- 1,286.49 -- tours
Radisson Hotel, Sacramento -- 978.94 -- tours
Radisson Valley Center Hotel -- 1,242.80 -- tours
Radisson Wilshire Plaza Hotel -- 1,273.95 -- tours
refunds -- 11,537.00 -- over-limit contribution
Reges, Stuart -- 42,333.74 -- accting, FEC
compliance, data processing mgmt
Renaissance Bedford Hotel -- 951.97 -- tours
Renaissance Orlando Hotel -- 929.97 -- tours
Residence Inn -- 625.60 -- tours
Richmond Marriott -- 1,035.74 -- tours
Ridgeway Inn -- 1,010.06 -- tours
Ritz Camera -- 188.03 -- media
San Jose Hilton & Towers -- 1,279.45 -- tours
Savannah Station -- 835.00 -- tours
Seabreeze Travel -- 17,571.28 -- tours
Sheraton International Hotel -- 1,109.40 -- tours
Sheraton Suites Galleria -- 1,668.74 -- tours
Sir Speedy Printing -- 12,548.94 -- tours,
Sprint -- 822.91 -- phones
Staples -- 5,072.75 -- office supplies
Time Printing -- 230.05 -- tours
Toledo Hilton -- 716.70 -- tours
U.S. Postal Service -- 7,400.57 -- shipping
Von Holtzbrinck Publishing -- 7,500.00 -- books
purchased for premiums
Walter Karl List Brokerage -- 13,055.87 -- list
rental fees for LP list
Washington Gas -- 138.19 -- HQ
Web Commanders -- 18,299.97 -- Internet
Web World, Inc -- 735.00 -- Internet campaigning
Wells Fargo Bank -- 782.45 -- bank services
West Coast Santa Cruz Hotel -- 664.63 -- tours
Wilke, Teresa -- 65.00 -- data processing
Williams, Jack and Meg -- 4,550.40 -- books
purchased for premiums
Willis, Jennifer -- 16,500.00 -- volunteer program
Willis, Steve -- 14,758.22 -- volunteer program,
tours, pay and reimburse
Windman Chiropractic -- 40.00 -- paid in lieu of
health insurance
Wyndham Chicago -- 2,273.34 -- tours
Wyndham Metrocenter Hotel -- 621.82 -- tours

Payments, March-April 2000 -- Amount -- Purpose

AccuMail -- 2,828.03 -- fundraising postage
Acree, Michael -- 50.00 -- over-limit refund
Alexander, Stan -- 900.00 -- over limit refund
AT&T -- 19.15 -- phones
AT&T -- 35.52 -- phones
B&B Duplicators -- 3,213.11 -- office supplies
Babka, Jim -- 2,000.00 -- media salary
Babka, Jim -- 2,166.67 -- media salary
Babka, Jim -- 2,700.00 -- media, salary
bank payment -- 2.50 -- bank charges
bank payment -- 253.50 -- bank charges
bank payment -- 65.00 -- bank charges
bank payment -- 10.00 -- bank charges
bank payment -- 271.34 -- bank charges
bank payment -- 50.00 -- bank charges
bank payment -- 2.50 -- bank charges
bank payment -- 200.00 -- bank charges
bank payment -- 76.81 -- bank charges
bank payment -- 2.00 -- bank charges
bank payment -- 100.00 -- bank charges
bank payment -- 50.00 -- bank charges
bank payment -- 25.00 -- bank charges
bank payment -- 20.00 -- bank charges
bank payment -- 60.00 -- bank charges
Bell Atlantic -- 29.64 -- phones
Bell Atlantic -- 636.38 -- phones
Bell Atlantic -- 211.02 -- phones
Bell Atlantic -- 505.38 -- phones
Bell Atlantic -- 558.87 -- phones
Bell Atlantic -- 489.35 -- phones
Bell Atlantic -- 297.75 -- phones
Bell Atlantic -- 60.08 -- phones
Braun, Barbara -- 855.00 -- volunteer program
Browne, Harry -- 750.00 -- Loan repayment
Browne, Harry -- 1,000.00 -- tour expense
Browne, Harry -- 909.50 -- tour expense
Browne, Harry -- 932.00 -- tour expense
Browne, Harry -- 500.00 -- loan repayment
Browne, Harry -- 1,000.00 -- loan repayment
Browne, Harry -- 2,000.00 -- loan repayment
Brunner, Robert -- 1,000.00 -- media - salary
Brunner, Robert -- 323.95 -- media - moving
Brunner, Robert -- 1,250.00 -- media salary
Copy Right Video -- 4,000.00 -- campaign materials
Covey, Erich -- 384.00 -- data processing salary
Covey, Erich -- 372.00 -- data processing salary
credit card fees -- 500.00 -- fundraising
credit card fees -- 102.77 -- fundraising
debit -- 950.00 -- over-limit refund
DeVoil, Robert -- 568.00 -- reimbursements
DeVoil, Robert -- 1,302.50 -- data processing
DeVoil, Robert -- 1,512.00 -- data processing
DeVoil, Robert -- 1,270.50 -- data processing
DeVoil, Robert -- 1,342.30 -- data processing
DeVoil, Robert -- 1,365.00 -- data processing
DoubleTree Hotel -- 326.87 -- tours
DoubleTree San Diego -- 1,138.76 -- tours
Erdelsky, Philip -- 50.00 -- over-limit refund
FedEx -- 79.53 -- shipping
FedEx -- 295.62 -- shipping
FedEx -- 74.93 -- shipping
FedEx -- 35.49 -- shipping
FedEx -- 107.64 -- shipping
FedEx -- 24.46 -- shipping
Firm Multimedia, The -- 10,000.00 -- advertising
Firm Multimedia, The -- 5,000.00 -- advertising
Ghalazyni, Abe -- 185.00 -- office supplies
Greeson, Debra -- 518.50 -- scheduling - salary
Greeson, Debra -- 1,224.00 -- scheduling - salary
Greeson, Debra -- 1,394.00 -- scheduling - salary
Kinko's -- 53.34 -- media
Kinko's -- 144.21 -- media
Lawrence, Jay -- 96.87 -- tour reimbursement
Libertarian Party of Massachusetts -- 89.00 --
volunteer program
Linton, Roderick -- 218.75 -- legal services
Linx Communications -- 912.34 -- phones
Lombardo, Tom -- 1,800.00 -- HQ rent
Mailboxes Etc. -- 156.60 -- mail box
Merry Maids -- 160.00 -- HQ
Merry Maids -- 160.00 -- HQ
Merry Maids -- 160.00 -- HQ
Mt. Vernon -- 8,912.29 -- fundraising
Newman Communications -- 2,333.33 -- media
Newman Communications -- 2,333.33 -- media
Newman Communications -- 2,333.33 -- media
O'Connell, Dan -- 100.00 -- over-limit refund
Olson, William J. -- 5,000.00 -- FEC challenge
Olson, William J. -- 5,000.00 -- FEC challenge
Optopia -- 1,476.00 -- administration - health
Optopia -- 1,476.00 -- administration - health
Pacific Bell -- 219.62 -- phones
Pacific Bell -- 140.81 -- phones
Pacific Bell -- 102.71 -- phones (Braun phone)
Page, David -- 50.00 -- over-limit refund
Parcel Plus -- 75.00 -- mail box
Peart, Thomas G. -- 244.84 -- advertising - video
Peirotti, David -- 500.00 -- media - photos
Petty cash -- 200.00 -- shipping
Petty cash -- 200.00 -- shipping
Polaris Productions -- 30.00 -- advertising
Polaris Productions -- 6,000.00 -- advertising
Polaris Productions -- 30.00 -- advertising
Polaris Productions -- 5,500.00 -- advertising
Polaris Productions -- 30.00 -- advertising
Polaris Productions -- 3,500.00 -- advertising
Postage petty cash -- 200.00 -- shipping
Power, Virginia -- 63.39 -- HQ
Seabreeze Travel -- 1,633.00 -- tours
Seabreeze Travel -- 1,363.00 -- tours
Seabreeze Travel -- 1,917.00 -- tours
Seabreeze Travel -- 75.00 -- tours
Seabreeze Travel -- 1,459.50 -- tours
Sheraton International -- 99.68 -- tours
Sprint PCS -- 80.45 -- phones
Sprint PCS -- 61.26 -- phones
Sprint PCS -- 202.36 -- phones
Sprint PCs -- 122.25 -- phones
Staples -- 267.51 -- office supplies - printer
Staples -- 41.78 -- office supplies
Staples -- 215.49 -- office supplies
Timberlake, R.H. -- 25.00 -- over-limit refund
UPS -- 445.18 -- shipping
Virginia Power -- 80.00 -- HQ
Walter Karl, Inc. -- 2,103.48 -- LP list rental
Walter Karl, Inc. -- 2,120.43 -- LP list rental
Washington Gas -- 80.00 -- HQ
Washington Gas -- 32.72 -- HQ
William J. Olson Trust Account -- 5,000.00 -- FEC
challenge attorney
Willis, Jennifer -- 1,000.00 -- volunteer program
Willis, Jennifer -- 1,000.00 -- volunteer program
Willis, Perry -- 2,000.00 -- administration
Willis, Perry -- 3,167.00 -- administration
Willis, Perry -- 1,000.00 -- administration
Willis, Perry -- 500.00 -- administration
Willis, Steve -- 210.90 -- postage reimbursement
Willis, Steve -- 2,500.00 -- volunteer program
Willis, Steve -- 265.50 -- expense reimbursement
Willis, Steve -- 1,000.00 -- volunteer program
Willis, Steve -- 500.00 -- volunteer program
Yanik, Stephanie -- 500.00 -- tours
Yanik, Stephanie -- 1,500.00 -- tours


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